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Introduction

The story of the Reformation is filled with beauty and betrayal, intrigue, and injustice. Admittedly, it is difficult to understand the mind, heart, and actions of those living through the ecclesial tumult of the Sixteenth-Century, let alone judge them.  With this in mind, this study examines baptism and persecution as catalysts for mission in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries. The groups and individuals whose histories are chronicled in the following pages did not always perceive their actions as intentional mission. Mission, the outspreading of the gospel was frequently the result of religious persecution by Catholics, Lutherans, and the Reformed Church. Anabaptists, in particular, suffered cruel persecution in their pursuit of the earliest form of Christianity as practiced by the primitive church^[1]; they desired more than a reformation, they sought restoration.^[2] Persecution of these various groups^[3] and individuals were the result of a resolve for nothing less than the original form of Christianity as explicated in Acts 2:37-47; restoration encompassing theology, liturgy, church government, and lifestyle. Notable among the beliefs and practices of these were water baptism upon repentance, and to a lesser degree, the phenomenon of glossolalia. Persecution of these pious folk is reminiscent to that experienced by the early church; as persecution comes, diaspora results and Christ is magnified throughout the nations.

Church history must be considered from multiple perspectives: past, present, and future. This chapter explores the missional understanding and impulse of the early Anabaptist’ and other ‘radical reformers.’ For these, the missional mandate as elucidated in scripture, and forced migration due to persecution were inextricably linked. Discussion of persecution related to the Reformation remain unpleasant topics after more than five hundred years. Admittedly, these are topics colored by perspective, opinion, and history. It is important for any serious student to consider how one’s perspective shapes the narrative. It has been said, “the past is a foreign country,” the challenge is can we imagine the past from our vantage point in history? Our vantage point of Reformed mission, its understanding, and practice is more likely than not tied to our religious tradition and beliefs. Faulty or not, our traditions and beliefs are the basis from which we draw opinions and conclusions. However, beyond frame of reference and opinion lies the historical account. The historical account of the beliefs and practices of the early church and subsequent generations is open for all to review and consider. 

Finally, this chapter seeks to answer, “did the Anabaptist’s practice of itinerant preaching make them more missional than their magisterial counterparts?” In short, did the radical reformation have a significant missional role in spreading the gospel throughout Europe and beyond? If so, what were the catalyzing forces leading to their missional impetus?

The Early Church and Mission 

As previously noted, all serious study involving the church must consider the history and practice of the primitive church. Lying beyond the scope of this chapter are the early church’s beliefs; however, it is sufficient to say that these placed the primitive community at odds with Judaism, religious and governmental authorities, and the prevailing philosophies of the time.  The first community was persecuted by the Jews for their beliefs and practices, namely, their understanding of the identity of Christ, baptism, and the miraculous. The most severe persecution came, however, when Titus besieged Jerusalem from the autumn of 66AD-70AD, although this resulted in a calamity for the Jewish people at large, not just the church. The besiegement and spoiling of Jerusalem resulted in mass dispersion and the spread of the gospel. This reality is elucidated in an article by Christoph Stenschke, Migration and Mission: According to the Book of Acts^[4] traces for us the contours of mission in instances of forced or voluntary migration. A sampling of the widespread influence of Anabaptist belief and practice is appreciated in Claus-Peter Clasen’s statistical survey of The Anabaptists in South and Central Germany, Switzerland, and Austria^[5]. Clasen’s survey illuminates the migratory patterns of a community of believers besieged by severe persecution as experienced by the primitive church.

The Reformation and Reformers 

In the Sixteenth-Century, the Protestant Reformation brought about seismic changes across the religious and political landscape of Europe. Beginning in 1517, many of the important features of medieval theology were being challenged by Martin Luther resulting in significant numbers of people rejecting the teachings of the Catholic Church. Rejection of these beliefs and practices brought about a third branch of Christianity called Protestantism, in addition to Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy.

Schism was not a new thing; throughout the Middle Ages, a number of individuals and groups had challenged the beliefs and practices of the Roman Catholic Church. Among these were the Waldenses from the Twelfth-Century who traced their “origins back to the pupils and disciples of the apostles of Jesus Christ”^[6], and sought a return to “a more biblical theology and more holy lifestyle”^[7] and the Albigensians. Arnold writes of the foment of change in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries with powerful movements emerging “and claiming the title ‘Apostolic Brothers’^[8].” Arnold goes on to state, “these movements were connected with similar trends in the fifth and sixth centuries, since at that time the degree was issued against “heretics” that point to exactly the same kind of movement.”^[9] The Albigensians, also known as bons hommes or bons chrétiens,^[10] “were subsequently rooted out by the Roman Catholic Inquisition as the result of their alleged bringing “elements of Persian dualism into their thinking”^[11]. These, among many other examples, demonstrate the recurring motif among the persecuted of the desire for the purity of scripture, its teachings, beliefs, and practices in an era of persecution, prosecution, and purification by the threatened established church. 

While throughout the centuries leading up to the Reformation, there were many groups that sought reforms within in the Catholic Church. It was Martin Luther’s ninety-five thesis nailed to the door of the Castle Church in Wittenberg, Germany that became the seminal moment of the reformation. Luther’s voice rises above those of Peter Waldo, John Wyclif, and Jon Hus. “Historically, he is unique as the man who precipitated the break with Rome.”^[12] However, Luther’s call for reform did not go far enough for those who sought full restoration of the beliefs and practices of the primitive church. The result of Luther’s unwillingness to press for greater reforms, resulted in a discord in the church and persecution of all who opposed him. The “heretical” beliefs and practices of those he opposed are examined later in the chapter.

Ulrich Zwingli, a contemporary of Luther’s, was another prominent Reformer. Zwingli was a Roman Catholic priest influenced by the teachings of the Catholic humanist Erasmus. Erasmus was one of the few who questioned and reinterpreted some of the medieval doctrines of the Roman Church without leaving it. By 1516, Zwingli had already begun to advance the doctrine of salvation through grace alone, and within a few months^[13] openly criticized the sale of indulgences. The fervor for reformation had so gripped Zwingli that by 1519 he was openly preaching Protestant themes; while Zwingli read and followed the writings and development of Luther’s theology, many of his beliefs were of his own study and, to a lesser degree, the ideas of the Catholic humanists. As noted by David Bernard, “Like Luther, however, Zwingli had little use for Reformers more radical than himself”^[14]; like Luther, Zwingli was willing to persecute “radical reformers” to the death even though they had once been numbered among his brightest students. They were condemned because they dared to press the boundaries of reform further than he was willing to go. 

Any discussion concerning the Reformation and mission is not complete without including John Calvin. Calvin emerged as one of the most important leaders of the Reformation. Many scholars attribute to him the systematization of the Reformation and bringing together a cohesiveness to biblical doctrine.^[15] Albeit, Calvin’s systematized theology was not without criticism. A prominent nemesis was Michael Servetus (1511-1553 A.D.), a Spanish physician and theologian. Servetus, as others deemed heretics, was condemned to death by civil and church authorities for not conforming, in his writings, to the widely accepted doctrine of trinitarianism, eternal security, predestination, and infant baptism; these placed him at odds with the reformers and the Catholic Church. Sir Winston Churchill once said, “History is written by the victors”^[16]; therefore, comparatively little is known about the real beliefs and practices of those deemed heretics; their writings were burned, and their voices silenced.^[17] Thus, Wilbert Shenk, a leading historian of mission, concludes, “Virtually all mission history and theology has been presented from the viewpoint of the dominant ecclesiastical traditions.”^[18]

Schism in the Church – Heresies and Heretics 

Schism in the church was not solely the result of the social and political unrest of the time; the age was dark. William Estep in his work The Anabaptist Story concludes, 

The 16^th-century was dark because it was the product of previous centuries. Civilization had become increasingly oblivious to human suffering and the value of the individual. Piety was evaluated by the amount of accumulated external acts. Hypocrisy became the hallmark of the age.^[19]

The pervading darkness, however, was the place of germination for those seeking reforms within the Catholic Church. By the early Sixteenth-Century, the time was ripe for reformation, and early on Martin Luther and Ulrich Zwingli became the voices of dissent against the teachings and practices of the Catholic Church. Albeit, others from Zwingli’s band of disciples, who later became known as the “school of heretics” were studying the scriptures as well. These soon found the reforms and reformation were the exclusive domain of a few that was willing to only go so far. It has been said that the Protestants got the Bible into the hands of the people, but those who sought greater reform (the Anabaptists) read the Bible and fell in love with Jesus. Indeed, Zwingli’s gifted students over the course of thirty-six months moved from studying the Greek classics (1521) to being introduced to the study of the New Testament, and finally by 1522 embraced many of the ideas of reformation set forth by Zwingli. Notwithstanding, these sought greater reform and pressed Zwingli to abandon the state church and the parish system. They urged him to follow through on his “avowed position of no compromise where the Word of God had spoken”^[20] and to embrace faith baptism for adult members only; yet, Zwingli sought a more cautious pace of reform leading to alienation between him and his band of disciples. The rupture was apparent by the Second Disputation of Zürich^[21] with the radicals “committed to a program of complete restitution of apostolic Christianity.”^[22] The Third Disputation, January 17, 1525 further demonstrated Zwingli’s lack of resolve to pursuing only what the Word of God had spoken with his “position that the initiation of children into Christianity by baptism was comparable to the initiation of infants into Judaism by circumcision.”^[23] Summarily, the Zürich council declared Zwingli the winner and denounced the radicals. The radical reformers were left with virtually no options; conform and denounce your beliefs, leave Zürich, or face imprisonment. Again, there was no tolerance for competing views in the market-place of reformation. In the first chapter of R. A. Knox’s Enthusiasm he writes:

There is, I would say, a recurrent situation in Church history – using the word ‘church’ in the widest sense – where an excess of charity threatens unity. You have a clique, an elité, of Christian men and (more importantly) women, who are trying to live a less worldly life than their neighbors; to be more attentive to the guidance (directly felt, that would tell you) of the Holy Spirit. More and more, by a kind of fatality, you see them draw apart from their co-religionists, a hive ready to swarm. There is provocation on both sides; on the one part, cheap jokes at the expense of over-godliness, acts of stupid repression by unsympathetic authorities; on the other, contempt of the half-Christian, ominous references to old wine and new bottles, to the kernel and the husk. Then, while you hold your breath and turn away your eyes in fear the break comes; condemnation or secession, what difference does it make? A fresh name has been added to the list of Christianities.^[24]

In reflection, the difference it makes is suppression of another’s belief or conviction and schism in the community of Christ. This is certainly the tale of those who chose to live out their beliefs and convictions during the time of the Reformation. Anabaptist’s, as others, deemed “heretics” by the magisterial church were pioneers of religious freedom. Religious toleration, let alone religious liberty, could not be tolerated in the Sixteenth-Century. “The Reformers condemned it as an invitation to social chaos, and political rulers rejected it because it would divide political loyalties.”^[25]  A confluence of political, social, and religious circumstances unique to Sixteenth- Century Europe, is recognized as providing the impetus for a kind of “religious protectionism”; and voices of dissent and destabilization could not be tolerated by the magisterial church, nor political rulers.

The fissure created by this small band of radicals, Conrad Grebel, Felix Manz, and George Blaurock cannot be overstated; these reformers insisted on,

• a separation of church and state
• repudiated the practice of infant baptism
• insisted on believer’s baptism (adults only)
• the church as a community of brothers or family
• a rejection of the medieval church in its entirety
• an instance on following the life-pattern of the New Testament
• the establishing of disciplined congregations
• an instance on following the Great Commission for all generations
• renounced force and violence; believed in the pursuit of peace even if it required unjust suffering and persecution
• rejected military service

These were new and radical ideas in the Sixteenth-Century that challenged the magisterial church and political powers. This fledgling band would not be deterred, and therewith, after being condemned by the city council of Zürich decided that they could no longer theorize what was stated in scripture but put it in to practice. Therefore, on the night of January 21, 1525, four days after the Third Disputation, Anabaptism was born with George Blaurock insisting that Conrad Grebel baptize him; in turn, George Blaurock baptized Conrad Grebel and Felix Manz. After their own baptism, Grebel and Blaurock “proceeded to baptize all the others present.”^[26] Clearly, these under penalty of death sought more than a reformation, they genuinely desired a restoration of the primitive Apostolic Church. Church historian William Estep writes, 

This was clearly the most revolutionary act of the Reformation. No other event so completely symbolized the break with Rome. Here, for the first time in the course of the Reformation, a group of Christians dared to form a church after what was conceived to be the New Testament pattern.^[27]

The rupture did not come solely as the result of believer’s baptism, but also over the Lord’s Supper, ecclesial authority, and liturgy. It was these adherent’s insistence on baptism as a visible expression of the church that resulted in their persecution and prosecution. Clearly, insistence on believer’s baptism placed Anabaptist’s at odds with the Reformers and the Catholic Church. Baptism and community were tenets for which the “believers church” were willing to lay down their lives. William R. Estep concludes, “By January 21, 1525 the concepts of both discipleship and church find implementation in the inauguration of believers’ baptism. In the historical process apparently both concepts developed simultaneously.”^[28]

Anabaptists sought to return to the pattern and ethos of the primitive church as explicated in the book of Acts. They possessed a “heightened sense of eschatology, anti-intellectualism, and complete separation of church and government.”^[29] Their heightened sense of eschatology was at the heart of Anabaptism’s missional impetus of “go forth, teach all peoples, and baptize them”^[30]. Persecution concretized their belief in the imminent return of Christ and hastened their missional endeavors. 

Mission Impetus Among Primitive Anabaptist’s

As axiomatic as it may sound, a spiritually alive community of believer’s desires to share their faith. This is especially true given the primacy that Anabaptist’s gave to the Book of Acts. The fervor with which they held to the ethos of the early church as explicated in Acts 2:37-47 is only mirrored in the primitive church and the modern Pentecostal and Charismatic movements. The Anabaptist movement of the Sixteenth-Century were able to achieve what seemed to be impossible for the magisterial reformers, why? As noted by C.J. Dyck: 

It is clear that the missionary response was for the Anabaptists the primary alternative to the methods of the magisterial reformers and that the believers’ church was an attractive alternative to the corpus Christianum. Not to coercion but persuasion, not primary emphasis on reforming society but on establishing a new society, not individualistic or sacramental salvation but personal experience and corporate faith were their alternatives.^[31]

The Anabaptist vision was deeply rooted in their desire for the restoration of the, 

…primitive-apostolic model of the believer’ church with its implicit theology of discipleship under Christ’s lordship and explicit evangelistic witness in the power of the Holy Spirit. This led them to unquestioned obedience to the risen Christ’s mandate to “make disciples of all peoples.”^[32]

The “radicals” were consumed with missionary zeal, the mandate of the Great Commission was the impetus for intentional missional engagement. Obedience to the pursuit of the missional task was tantamount to discipleship and living under Christ’s lordship. As such, Anabaptists followed the plan given by Christ in the Great Commission; going into all the world, preaching and teaching the gospel, baptizing adults who believed, and incorporating the saved into the church. 

Prior to August 1527, Anabaptists engaged in four specific methods of evangelization; Preaching pilgrims, house meetings, Bible reading and lay evangelism, and persecution.^[33] Indeed, persecution was perceived as a form of witness to the executioner and those who had come to witness the execution; the serenity with which these lay down their life was nothing short of a call to repentance and reconciliation to God.^[34] After the Missionary Conference of 1527, strategic missional methods were initiated and refined. The Martyrs’ Synod initiated a vision of mission with delegated “areas of mission responsibility in a ‘grand map of evangelical enterprise.’” ^[35] The strategic methods employed by the believers’ church were, Evangelizing Wandermissionare, systematic sending of missionaries or apostles, and the empowering of dynamic lay witness.  Lay missionaries were sent to rural areas, artisans evangelists to those with whom they had business dealings, and the educated sent to cities where they would reason with the elite in hopes of leading them to Christ.^[36]

Hence, how effective and far-reaching were the missionary efforts of the Anabaptist movement? Admittedly, few extant records are available that chronicle the measurable numerical impact of the movement, although a small glimpse is provided by Hans Kasdorf. In a chapter of The Anabaptist Approach to Mission, he documents the missional endeavors of 17 missionaries who over the course of 36 years is estimated to have baptized more than 43,902 souls^[37]. Where no exact figure is available, he resorts to quoting source works that employ the following language; “a whole procession of men and women”, or “nearly a whole village.”^[38]  While the exact duration of missionary service is unknown, Kasdorf’s record for many of them is very brief, some limited to a day, a year, or three to four years. Leenaert Bouwens is an extreme exception with a ministry lasting over 31 years and baptizing 10,378 souls.^[39] Kosdorf asserts, “The cost of obedience to the Great Commission, however, was high.^[40] It is estimated that 4000-5000 Anabaptist may have been martyred for their commitment to the early church’s beliefs and piety; however, extant records document the martyrdom of over 2000 of these noble folk.^[41]

Numerous scholarly works chronicle the reach of the Anabaptist movement, be they as intentional “sending” or the believers church in flight from severe persecution. Within twenty-five years of the initiation of the believer’s, Anabaptist missionaries were preaching in every corner of Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Holland, France, Poland, Galacia, Hungry, Denmark, Sweden, Greece, and Constantinople. Their zeal prompted them to ponder, “going to the red Indians across the sea.”^[42]

Hutterite Migrations in Europe 1526 -1874

The Hutterian Golden Era (1560 -1590) under the capable leadership of Peter Walpot was marked with a pronounced emphasis of mission, as other Anabaptist who preceded them, the Hutterites carried the gospel to the far corners of Europe. Southern German Anabaptists began their migration eastward towards Moravia as early as 1526 and by 1546 continued their migration to Slovakia.^[43] The Hutterite migration resumed in 1621 establishing several brethren colonies in Transylvania.^[44] The Hutterite migration continued into the 19^th. Century with many migrating to the United States between the years of 1874-1879.^[45] As with all Anabaptist’s, the Hutterites were compelled to take the gospel to those whom the magisterial church had neglected. Later, Anabaptist’s moved from evangelism to seeking toleration in the face of extraordinary hostility; these sought a place to quietly “practice their faith within isolated communities.”^[46]

From our vantage point it is unimaginable how these pious believers could embrace such severe persecution and death, as a means of giving witness to Christ and extending his mission. However, this was the plight that they embraced; Hans Kasdorf asserts that persecution was so severe that “only two or three of the sixty leaders who met in Augsburg for the missionary conference…lived to see the fifth year of the Anabaptist movement.”^[47] Thousands of men, women and children were martyred for their faith. These noble and pious witness’ of the faith were tortured, burned, beheaded, drowned, and hanged, for little more than desiring to pursue the ethos and practice of the primitive church as expounded in Matthew 28:19, Acts 2:37-39, and Acts 2:42-47. Their willingness to suffer, rather than recant or deny their faith, demonstrates conviction of belief under threat of death; they were consumed with “go”, “make disciples”, “baptize”^[48]. With this in mind, there are several lessons to be learned from the Anabaptists:

• They were radically obedient to the Great Commission
• Priority of Mission – they understood that mission always implies crossing frontiers from faith to unfaith, no matter the price
• Legitimacy of the apostolate
• Living witnesses – they believed that believers are empowered by the Holy Ghost as witnesses and do so by telling, being, doing, and even dying for their faith. This is reminiscent of deacon Stephen’s death, and Saul’s eventual conversion. 

Therefore, in conclusion we must ask once again, “Did the Anabaptist’s practice of itinerant preaching make them more missional than their magisterial counterparts?” The historical account bears witness of the fruitful mission of the Anabaptist community in the Sixteenth-Century. Itinerate preaching was central to the missionary vision of the community, and their understanding of Christ’s Great Commission. As pilgrims, apostles, lay witnesses, or simply people in diaspora from persecution, they succeeded in promulgating the gospel throughout Europe and beyond. 

A host of noble and pious ‘heretics’ were persecuted for their beliefs and practices; the historical record clearly demonstrates how these religious minorities were persecuted for practicing believer’s baptism, spontaneous “emotional” spiritual outbursts, prophetic utterances, and the practice of glossolalia, among other things.  No matter the condemnation, ridicule, or persecution by the magisterial and Catholic churches these groups persevered in spreading the gospel. Indeed, these were groups that engaged in mission on the margins from the fringes of the Reformation! As posited by Franklin Littell, “The Anabaptist proper were those in the “Left Wing” who gathered and disciplined a “True Church” upon the apostolic pattern”^[49] and envisioned an alternative social order. The Anabaptist, and other groups to lesser extent, pursued the apostolic mandate given by Christ to “go”, “make disciples”, “baptize”, and “teach.”^[50] Undoubtedly, the impetus and understanding of mission of the Anabaptist movement far exceeded that of the Magisterial Church. The history of the Reformation was written by the victors; however, five hundred years later fresh insights are emerging of a missional movement that continues to inform mission praxis in the Twenty-First Century. 

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^[1] The terms “primitive church” and “early church” are used interchangeably throughout this chapter

^[2] An important note to consider is that these “heresies” did not simply appear from the minds of a fringe group. In the case of the Anabaptists these were conclusions that they came to as they, along with their leader Ullrich Zwingli searched the scriptures and pressed the church for reforms.

^[3] Cathars (Albigensians), Donatists, Camisards, Waldensians, Moravians, Sabellians, Racovians, Enthusiasts, inspirationist, rationalist, etc.

^[4] Stenschke, Christoph. “Migration and Mission. According to the Book of Acts.” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 44, no. 2 (December 2016), 129–51.

^[5] Clasen, Claus Peter. The Anabaptists in South and Central Germany, Switzerland, and Austria. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Mennonite Historical Society, 1978.

^[6] Arnold, Eberhard. History of the Baptizers Movement. Rifton, New York: The Plough Publishing House of the the Woodcrest Service Committee. Inc., 1970., 218

^[7] Bernard, D.K. A History of Christian Doctrine: Abridged in One Volume. Word Aflame Press, 2016., 165

^[8] Arnold, Eberhard. History of the Baptizers Movement. Rifton, New York: The Plough Publishing House of the the Woodcrest Service Committee. Inc., 1970., 216

^[9] Arnold, 219

^[10] Good men or good Christians

^[11] Bernard, D.K. A History of Christian Doctrine: Abridged in One Volume. Word Aflame Press, 2016., 166

^[12] Bernard, 167

^[13] 1518

^[14] Bernard, D.K. A History of Christian Doctrine: Abridged in One Volume. Word Aflame Press, 2016., 199

^[15] Hanscomb, D. G. From Rome to Jerusalem. 3rd ed. Nashville, Tenn.: Westview, Inc., 2010., 257

^[16] Winston Churchill is credited to making this statement in the 1930’s at the House of Commons in an exchange with then Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin

^[17] As a side-note I’m encouraged that emerging scholarship is examining more carefully the histories of these marginalized individuals and groups. 

^[18] Shenk, Wilbert R. Anabaptism and Mission. Missionary Studies; No. 10. Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1984, 7

^[19] Estep, William Roscoe. The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism. 3rd ed., rev.enl. Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Pub., 1996., 29

^[20] Estep, William Roscoe. The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism. 3rd ed., rev.enl. Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Pub., 1996., 17

^[21] October 26-28, 1523

^[22] Littell, Franklin Hamlin., and Franklin H. Littell. The Origins of Sectarian Protestantism; a Study of the Anabaptist View of the Church. Macmillan Paperback Edition. New York: Macmillan, 1968., 13

^[23] Littell, 14

^[24] Knox, Ronald Arbuthnott. Enthusiasm: A Chapter in the History of Religion, with Special Reference to the XVII and XVIII Centuries. New York: Oxford University Press, 1950., 1

^[25] Klaassen, Walter. Anabaptism in Outline: Selected Primary Sources. Classics of the Radical Reformation; 3. Kitchener, Ont.; Herald Press, 1981. https://bac-lac.on.worldcat.org/oclc/466587357., 290

^[26] Estep, William Roscoe. The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism. 3rd ed., rev.enl. Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Pub., 1996., 14

^[27] Estep, 14

^[28] Estep, 239

^[29] Shenk, Wilbert R. Anabaptism and Mission. Missionary Studies; No. 10. Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1984., 24

^[30] King James Version, KJV

^[31] Brauer, Jerald C. The Impact of Church Upon Its Culture. Chicago, Il: University of Chicago Press, 1968., 220

^[32] Shenk, Wilbert R. Anabaptism and Mission. Missionary Studies; No. 10. Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1984., 51

^[33] Shenk, 55-57

^[34] Shenk, 57

^[35] Shenk, 61

^[36] Shenk, 54

^[37] Shenk, 54

^[38] Shenk, Wilbert R. Anabaptism and Mission. Missionary Studies; No. 10. Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1984., 66

^[39] Shenk, 66

^[40] Shenk, 67

^[41] Shenk, 67

^[42] Durnbaugh, Donald F. The Believers’ Church: The History and Character of Radical Protestantism. 1 online resource (xi, 315 pages) : portrait vols. Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1985. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlabk&AN=28323.

^[43] Shenk, Wilbert R. Anabaptism and Mission. Missionary Studies; No. 10. Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1984., 97-118

^[44] Shenk, 31-32

^[45] Hofer, Arnold M., Norman. Hofer, Wesley. Tschetter, and Hutterite Mennonite Centennial Committee. History of the Hutterite Mennonites: Published in Connection with the Centennial Observance of the Coming of Hutterites to Dakota. [Updated and Expanded ed.]. Eugene: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2011.

^[46] Grimsrud, T. Embodying the Way of Jesus: Anabaptist Convictions for the Twenty-First Century. Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2007., 97

^[47] Shenk, Wilbert R. Anabaptism and Mission. Missionary Studies; No. 10. Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1984., 60

^[48] King James Version, KJV

^[49] Littell, Franklin H. The Anabaptist View of the Church; a Study in the Origins of Sectarian Protestantism. 2d ed., rev.enl. Boston: Starr King Press, 1958., 47

^[50] King James Version, KJV